Monday, September 24, 2012

The son, the saviour, the fugitive, the friend, the man. He also has an odd craving for Vegemite: Who is Julian Assange?

Who is Julian Assange? By the people
who know him best

The son, the saviour, the fugitive, the friend, the man. He also has an odd craving for Vegemite

The Guardian, Friday 24 August 2012
 
 
Christine Assange, mother



Julian was brought up to try to put himself in other people's shoes. There were very strong values: you didn't lie. You treated other people with compassion. If we saw a drunk on the street, we stopped to see if he was OK. If Julian got into a dispute with another child, I would never take his side just because he was my son.



Jules has always been extremely interested in finding the truth, no matter what the subject – medicine, environment, nature, physics. One thing you might not know about him is that as a child he used to play a mean blues harp. He was also extremely physically adventurous. Someone asked the other day if he'd like going to live in Ecuador, and I said one of the things he'd love about it is the climbing. When he was a little boy, he used to make rafts on the river. He was always exploring in the bush. At one point, when he was about 24, he took off into the Tasmanian wilderness with just a knife and pitted himself against nature to see if he could survive out there. The idea of Julian being this nerd behind a computer is completely wrong.



James Ball, former WikiLeaks staffer



Virtually everyone has a Julian they want to see – either a visionary hero of the free speech movement, or a paranoid, narcissistic creep who's a danger to civilised society. The reality would satisfy neither side.



He's an incredibly driven man, with an impressively keen intellect. He also has, on rare occasions, a disarming sense of humour, sometimes even self-deprecating.



Of course, here comes the inevitable "but". The bad sides of Julian's personality are as exaggerated as the good. His self-certainty and drive break through to the point of arrogance. His behaviour can be erratic, and he's not particularly considerate of those around him. As his online nickname "Mendax" suggests, he is quite happy to lie in the interest of what he sees as the greater good.



But the worst qualities Assange displays are not really his fault. Even before the huge storm caused by the embassy cables, he tended towards the paranoid. Imagine seeing senators, commentators and more discussing your every move, calling you a terrorist, threatening you, with that predisposition. The result is a heady mix of paranoia, a predisposition to self-interest. A willingness to manipulate the truth and a belief that what you're doing is right is a potent and dangerous mix – and it's what's been driving Assange, and the chaos that follows in his wake, for almost two years now.



Iain Overton, editor of the Bureau of Investigative Journalism



I first met Julian when he invited the Bureau to scrutinise the Iraq War Logs. From the start, he made an impression. He gave perhaps the most wooden statement I've ever seen to CNN and then, as the camera turned off, transformed into a warm, personable man.



A man who put himself in danger by exposing the US's secrets would also take delight in attempts to protect himself. Whether it was casually taking off his bulletproof vest in a restaurant, or appearing at the Bureau's offices with dyed hair, you never knew if he actually believed these safety measures worked or were just a bit of showmanship.



Despite being an expert in secrecy, he talks unguardedly and freely when you are alone with him. And he can show an often sensitive and playful manner. Other times – like when debating what names should be redacted from the Wikileaks data – he could be judgmental and reluctant to hear the alternative view.



Alan Rusbridger, Guardian editor



In his unapproved and ghosted autobiography, Assange gives a colourful account of a marathon eight-hour meeting we had in the run-up to the publication of the State Department cables. Some of it was accurate – though I can't personally testify as to whether my eyes were, as he describes, "rolling around the room like marbles on a pogo stick". They may have been.



The meeting took place in tense circumstances. The massive cache of cables, into which we had put months of work, had leaked from a former Wikileaks associate to a freelance journalist. It looked as if all our time and effort might come to nothing. And Assange was refusing to have any more dealings with the New York Times unless the paper's then editor, Bill Keller, promised to publish a front-page apology for having published a not wholly flattering profile of the WikiLeaks founder. We'd been told that Assange had begun, behind our backs, to talk to other American publishers.



The eight hours began angrily. Assange, who had brought two lawyers with him, did a lot of shouting and accusing. The louder the shouting, the more mannered and Dickensian his language became. He repeatedly accused us of not being "gentlemen". My eyes may well have been rolling. I did my best to lower the temperature. He gradually went off the boil.



We took a break and reconvened. Shouty Assange was now Strategic Assange. We would cooperate, after all. The snowy-haired Australian spoke deliberately. I remember thinking that, in a different life, he could have been a CEO or COO. He was intelligent, calm and incisive.



All was going so well. We broke for a meal, during which he was witty and did his best – it felt as if was difficult for him – to make conversation. He was almost charming.



And then, just as suddenly, he switched back to Shouty Assange. There was no deal. Keller must apologise. He would have nothing to do with us. It was now 1am. I rang Keller, knowing in advance what his answer would be. Assange ranted at his refusal to apologise. On his way out into the night an hour later – still no deal – he muttered a veiled threat at the Guardian's reporter who had worked most closely with him, David Leigh.



The next morning there was a deal. I didn't have many more personal dealings with him. He disappeared from view (we later learned, to Norfolk) and communicated only sporadically through encrypted messaging until he fell silent altogether. But in that eight hours there was a microcosm of the man – in all his brilliance, paranoia, obstinacy and dysfunctional fury.



Peter Graham, school friend



He was a blond kid, shoulder-length hair, brought up with an alternative lifestyle. At the time, Goolmangar school was made up of a lot of kids from dairy families and Jules was, to a degree, the odd one out. There weren't too many broken families back in the early 80s. He was not an outgoing sort of child. Didn't go out of his way to make trouble. I would say that he was always the sort of kid who stood behind. We used to play Red Rover and British Bulldog, and Jules was always one of the last to run.



Daniel Matthews, university friend



Julian and I studied mathematics at the University of Melbourne. We were both in the maths student group. It was fun, nerdy stuff. I've always found him witty, intelligent and eclectically knowledgeable. He is passionately committed to justice and the free flow of information and ideas. He has suffered great personal costs as a result.



I've often heard it remarked in the press that Julian has some idiosyncrasies. The people who make such remarks tend not to have hung around mathematics departments very much.



Vaughan Smith, housed Assange for more than a year when he was on bail



Julian is somebody who will give you a surprising amount of time if he gets into a conversation. But other times you could walk past him and he wouldn't even know you were there because he was so transfixed with his computer. He would work late into the night. I get up early and go to bed early, but he's the opposite. A lot of people from a lot of different countries came through the hall to visit him. A couple of Australians brought rather a lot of Vegemite. He and his guests used to enjoy trying alcohol from different parts of the world. Julian would enjoy the occasional cigar, but it was difficult for him to smoke them because he had to stay in the house for fear of breaking his bail conditions.



It wasn't always easy having him there, but I'm not attributing the difficulty to him, rather to having someone in the house all that time. And most of the complaints weren't really about Julian, they were about the people who'd come through the house to see him. There was an of average five to seven people staying at one time – people who wanted to see Julian. By giving him bail, I was therefore opening my door to a lot of other people. But we adjusted to that and we had a really good housekeeper who made it all happen. Julian did do some chores. He used to collect wood and eggs sometimes.



I have four daughters and a son, who got to know Julian. He got on particularly well with my five-year-old. He used to give her sweets and things like that. I've got a photo of him cutting up a pumpkin with the girls all dressed up for Halloween. He fitted in with a family, although I wouldn't describe him as a family man.



You can tease Julian, but he usually falls out with people who are themselves very strong characters. They will blame him and he will blame them.



Heather Brooke, journalist



The first time I met Assange, he was convinced a sniper was targeting him through the windows of a conference centre. A few hours later, he was happily typing in front of the same windows. I asked why he believed he was a target. "I can't tell you," he said. Then, five minutes later, he did. He told me I should come to Washington DC for a press conference. Why? I can't tell you. Again, five minutes later, he told me about the Collateral Murder video.



Assange attributed his drive to his first experience with power as a young man (hacking into the email of a Pentagon general). I said maybe I liked investigating politicians' expenses because that had been my first big investigation as a student. "No, it's different when you're a young man." Can't women be driven the same way? "No, they're not." It was a definitive statement, no supporting evidence needed.



I followed up with requests to interview him for my book. I received florid emails such as, "I will have you, Heather, of course I will. But let us be messiahs to generation WHY, not a bunch of ageing hacks looking for a pension... regards from intrigue hotel... I have more interesting adventures for you..."



When he suddenly turned up in London, he wanted me to put him up and act as some sort of mother surrogate. "I have a fever. I'm not sure yet if it's going up or down," he told me. "I need some mothering. Someone to make me chicken noodle soup and bring me cookies in bed."



I later heard from two other women who said Assange pulled the same "poor little lost boy" trick on them in an attempt to finagle his way into their homes. I said that was not how I conducted interviews. He complained that I didn't have a maternal instinct, adding in drama-queen fashion: "I have two wars to stop."



I replied: "Yeah, it's a tough life being a messiah." His response left me speechless: "Will you be my Mary Magdalene, Heather? And bathe my feet at the cross."



Jérémie Zimmermann, friend and founder of La Quadrature du Net, a group defending freedoms online



When we first met in 2009, Julian struck me as one of the brightest minds I had ever encountered. He has a deep understanding of technology and its importance for building better societies, where citizens are empowered rather than controlled. He has certain characteristics that you find only in very technical people and some people with Asperger's syndrome. He is very focused, and when he's in front of a computer screen it can be difficult to get his attention. He is very self-confident, which is a good quality most of the time, but is why he needs his friends sometimes to introduce some doubt into his mind. You have to learn how to argue with him and push your opinions through by being very persuasive. People criticise him for having a great ego. Of course he has – he wouldn't be doing such crazy things without a great ego – but I believe that his sense of the general interest is far greater than his ego.



Julian is quite a nomadic person. He is used to travelling a lot, and having no physical attachments. For that reason, I imagine being in the Ecuadorian embassy will be hard for him. But in other ways he will cope fine. He has a sharp sense of humour, which can be very cynical and dark. I've seen him sleep on couches and under tables, and unless the people around him force him into the shower, he might not change his clothes for days. I do the same when I'm immersed in work that I think is more important than the smell of my armpits.



When the Sweden story first broke, I told Julian, "If you've done something wrong, you'll pay for what you did, but for me it won't change who you are and what you have achieved." With WikiLeaks he has brought global attention to whistleblowing. He has shown that digital technologies can empower people by exposing the wrongdoings of institutions. People who criticise him based on personality traits should take a better look at what he has achieved.



John Pilger, journalist and friend



I've known Julian Assange from the beginning of his extraordinary struggle in London. What struck me straight away was his fearlessness, though courage is a better word. By standing up to the most rapacious forces in the world today, and telling people in many countries what the powerful say and do behind their backs, he's made enemies of a kind journalists should wear as a badge of honour, but rarely do. The jealousy and envy he attracts often come from those aware of their own collusion with power and unforgiving of one who refuses to join their incestuous club. Personally, I find him the best of company: visiting him at the Ecuadorean embassy or in long phone conversations, often in the early hours of the morning, we share a similar black humour. The other night, we mined Joseph Heller's Catch-22. I took him over the movie, along with Dr Strangelove and Borat. Given his restless energy, his spirits are remarkable in the circumstances; and he's fortunate to have the support of a group of unflagging, thoroughly impressive people, not least his mother, Christine. All power to him.



Sarah Saunders, friend, who put up the majority of his bail



Julian stayed at my house from Christmas of last year until he left for the embassy. If I had to choose one attribute of his, it would be that Julian is very inquisitive. His ability to ask incisive and interesting questions is compelling, and it's why he has been effective in his work.



Julian likes food and wants to know all about what he's eating (as a chef and lifetime foodie, I like this about him, too), even if he appears to be distracted by his computer or playing with my Jack Russell when he should be at the table to eat! He is very scientific about his cooking. He made a very good poached egg, which not everyone can achieve.



I'm a bit of a night bird, so it was no problem for me that he liked to work at odd hours. We'd chat across the dining room table doing work at 2am.



Bill Keller, former editor, New York Times



I've never actually met Julian Assange. All of our conversations have been telephonic – including one where he hovered like the Great and Powerful Oz, via Skype, over a stage in Berkeley where yet another panel was pondering the meaning of WikiLeaks. All of our conversations, including that one, consisted mainly of Julian scolding The New York Times and me personally for not playing by his rules, for failing to recognise the supreme righteousness of his cause, and for portraying him in our pages as a complicated and controversial figure. "Where's the respect?" he demanded plaintively in one call. "Where's the respect?"



Short of practicing Freud without a licence, I can't pretend to reconcile the many contradictions of Julian. He is indignant at the long delays in due process afforded Bradley Manning, but unwilling to submit himself to the due process of Sweden – or the United States, should it come to that. (If it does, I firmly believe he should enjoy the full protection of the First Amendment.) A champion of free press (during his Evita moment on the balcony of Ecuador's embassy, he deplored Russia's hamhanded punishment of Pussy Riot), he accepted a TV gig sponsored by Putin's Kremlin, and has become soulmates with the press-gagging Ecuadoran president. He is the leader of an organisation that wants to be regarded as a beacon of truth, but boasts of fabricating juvenile hoaxes.



Perhaps the ultimate and irreconcilable contradiction, though, was his yearning – "Where's the respect?" – to possess both the adulation of the angry disaffected and the serious regard of the established.



Mark Stephens, former Assange lawyer



He has an encyclopedic knowledge – and I mean that in the true sense of the word - of current affairs. He can talk to you about any particular country of the world with as much detail and knowledge and insight into the nuances of politics and current affairs as you and I can speak about British politics. He really does get a mixed reaction from people. He a person about whom myths grow easily and perhaps over readily. There are a lot of apocryphal stories – stories like he doesn't flush the toilet or doesn't wash – all of which don't ring true to anyone who has been in close proximity.



Ken Loach, film-maker who put up bail



I was contacted by a mutual friend when the court case arose and he was going to be arrested. I met him a couple of times and again in the embassy. He was very keen for some human contact, some conversation that wasn't about Julian Assange. We chatted about politics generally and current affairs. He's a very interesting thoughtful lad. He'd gone from house arrest to another confinement. As we went in, you could see the massed ranks of police and people watching nearby. That wasn't a figment of his imagination. He was good company. We laughed about things, shared our feelings of dismay at the way certain people you'd have expected to have stood up for him have behaved. I took him some films, one or two of mine, and some others as well. He was quite low key, relaxed and friendly.



Dr Suelette Dreyfus, author and journalist



Julian and I worked on the book Underground, which was about a group of computer hackers in the 1980s and 90s. He'd go off to research something and would dig and dig until he had unearthed even the most obscure source. I've met very few journalists who are as driven. He'd ring at midnight or 1am. He didn't own a watch. He's always been about content, not constraints. That's rare. When I was in the midst of writing a chapter, he'd call up and say: "Don't self-censor when you write!" It was his catch-cry. Even then, his philosophy was to get the facts out there and let the reader decide.



Daniel Domscheit-Berg, worked for WikiLeaks until 2010



I met Julian online in 2007. We started working together, and it went from really good to really bad over three years. We didn't agree about where we wanted to go with WikiLeaks. It was developing from an organisation supporting whistleblowers to one that has an entire secrecy agenda. But it's Julian's project – it's his idea. And he is not really good with criticism. He takes a no compromise position.



We haven't spoken since I quit. We had a tight relationship for more than three years – I would have called it a friendship. I'm not sure if I would any more, because I'm quite disillusioned. But he stayed with me a couple of times, the longest was for two months or so.



Julian's more than just intelligent – he's streetwise, witty. He's good at thinking about and analysing systems. And he is really dedicated. Here was someone equally willing to do whatever was necessary. But if you're really good at something, it usually means you're terrible at something else.



We basically had to decide if a mutiny was what we needed – in order to readjust the way that WikiLeaks was developing. Or if we should quit and try to find another way to approach it. And we decided on the latter. The name of WikiLeaks is tainted now. I'll never be involved with Wikileaks again. I can't even imagine he would excuse himself. He wouldn't be in this mess if he had the capacity for saying sorry.



Julian has been dealing with this level of attention for more than a year now. And the attention is crucial, in respect to his potential affairs with the US. Whatever happens will set a precedent for the freedom of the press and the internet. I'm torn, because I fully agree that he should never be extradited to the US. But the court of law is there to establish what is right and wrong, and if you have violated a law, and we're ignoring it because we're sacrificing that for a higher goal, you're opening up a Pandora's box.



Ian Katz, deputy editor, the Guardian



Referring to a heterosexual male reporter who had fallen out with him particularly badly, Julian once claimed to me that the journalist had been "in love with me". It was, like so many things Assange says, preposterous, but it also contained a germ of truth. Assange is one of a tiny number of people I have met – Peter Mandelson is another – whose approval it is hard not to crave.



The first time I met him, he was deathly pale and racked by a tubercular cough. We spent an hour or so talking about the best ways to communicate outside the earshot of the CIA. He told me about encrypted phones and taught me how to create a number code. It was like being inducted into a mildly glamorous, if slightly malodorous, secret club.



Over the following weeks we communicated mostly by encrypted internet chat. In these late-night exchanges – Julian never rose before lunchtime – he lurched between stentorian admonishments for the latest perceived failure of his journalistic collaborators ("We are very disappointed...") and knowing matiness. I remember him once, rather over-familiarly, referring to me as "Katzy", and wondering if he was really telling me that he'd done his research and knew that is what my oldest friends called me.



My last face-to-face encounter with Julian was a rather surreal four-hour conversation in the Norfolk pile that became his virtual prison while he awaited extradition hearings. By now, for reasons too complicated to recount, Julian had taken against the Guardian and declared that he regarded it as a greater threat to him than the Pentagon.



Seated under the severe gaze of several generations of previous inhabitants of Ellingham Hall, Julian delivered a rambling disquisition that displayed many of the frequently contradictory aspects of his personality. There was a thoughtful discussion of the ephemeral nature of the internet and a fiendishly complicated plan he had to fix it, a hard-headed and acute assessment of how the publication of thousands of secret diplomatic cables had gone, a few flashes of menace (one former colleague suspected of leaking had now been "sat on") and some eye-wateringly unsavoury references to sex.



We parted with a peace agreement of sorts, which Julian summarised in his curiously mannered, other-worldly vernacular: "I'm a gentleman. I won't throw the first punch."



• Interviews by Alison Rourke, Merope Mills, Liese Spencer, Charlotte Northedge and Becky Barnicoat

There is a massive deception campaign in the US, and in its global propaganda, which seeks to portray the United States as a poor set-upon nation that would like world peace but just has to keep a military stationed around the globe to “police” all the world’s “trouble spots.”

The US is the World's Biggest War-Monger

American Militarism

by DAVE LINDORFF


There is a massive deception campaign in the US, and in its global propaganda, which seeks to portray the United States as a poor set-upon nation that would like world peace but just has to keep a military stationed around the globe to “police” all the world’s “trouble spots.”



In fact, nothing could be further from the truth.



That truth is that the US is the biggest war-monger the world has ever known.



Let’s start with its budget. The US, in fiscal year 2012, budgeted a total of $673 billion for the military, plus another $166 billion for military activities of other government departments, such as the nuclear weapons program, much of which is handled by the Department of Energy, or the Veterans Program, which pays for the care and benefits of former military personnel. There’s also another roughly $440 billion in interest paid on the debt from prior wars and military expenditures. All together, that comes to $1.3 trillion, which represents close to 50% of the general budget of the United States — the highest percentage of a government budget devoted to the military of any modern nation in the world — and perhaps of any government of any nation in the world.



That spending represents also the world’s biggest percentage of national gross domestic product devoted to the military (GDP is a measure of all economic activity in a nation). Looking at the other countries with big militaries — China, Russia, Britain and France — not only does not one come even close in terms of the percent of GDP spent on its military, but taken together, all of their expenditures on their military combined total less than half what the US spends by itself.



Since the late 1960s, the US government has engaged in a sleight-of-hand to hide the scale of its military spending from the American people. It has done this by adding to the federal budget the amount of money spent on Social Security, the nation’s retirement program, and Medicare, the health insurance program for the elderly and disabled. This is not a correct accounting however, because both of those programs are actually funded by a separate payroll tax paid by employees and employers, and the resulting trust funds are actually dedicated to the citizens who receive or will receive benefits from the programs. Using that fraud, the government and the politicians are able to claim that the US “only” spends 24% of the budget on military. Even that would be far above what is spent by any other nation in the world, but it is actually only half of what the US really spends as a share of its general budget.



One reason the US military budget is so huge is that the US operates some 900 bases abroad, in what amounts to a program of global empire. It is estimated that the cost of keeping those bases operating is about $250 billion. Empire costs a lot more than that though. There’s also the cost of operating a global fleet of ships, including incredibly costly aircraft carrier battle groups. That cost, surely in excess of $100 billion when the cost of the ships is factored in, doesn’t get broken out by the Pentagon.



Then, there is another way the US is the world’s biggest war-monger. This is in its role as the world’s biggest arms merchant. In 2011, the US sold more than $66 billion in arms to the rest of the world, often, as in the case of India and Pakistan, or India and China, or Israel and Egypt and Saudi Arabia, selling weapons to countries that are mutually hostile to each other or even, as in the case of India and Pakistan, in a state of active conflict along their border. That $66 billion — an all-time record for the US — was an astonishing and depressing 78 percent of the global arms market for the year. Russia was the second biggest arms dealer, selling only a paltry $4.8 billion in weapons to the rest of the world.



None of these weapons the US is selling makes either the US or the world any safer.



Indeed, two of the biggest recipients of US military “aid” and weapons sales are Saudi Arabia and Israel. The Saudi regime last year purchased $30 billion in arms from the US that year. Meanwhile the US has been providing Israel with $3 billion in outright military aid each year for years. Israel also buys billions of dollars in weapons from the US each year. Saudi Arabia is a dictatorship and a promoter of instability within Syria, while it also props up dictatorships in countries like Yemen and Bahrain. In other countries, like Israel or Colombia, US aid encourages military actions which could lead to conflicts that would inevitably draw the US in as a participant.



The truth is that none of America’s military spending makes the US safer. While GOP presidential nominee Mitt Romney, caught in some bizarre time warp, may think Russia is America’s “biggest enemy,” the reality is that there is no nation on earth that poses any military threat to the US itself, and to the extent that terrorism might constitute a threat of some kind, America’s trillion-dollar military is virtually useless against such small scale secret actions, which call for a police response, not a carrier battle group or a nuke.



There’s a good reason one doesn’t see fanatics traveling to Brazil or China or New Zealand to blow things up: Those countries aren’t stationing their troops within other countries’ borders, and aren’t selling weapons to countries that threaten their neighbors.



The US government tells Americans that all that money they are spending on the military is designed to “protect” them from harm. In fact, the evidence over the years is that it is making Americans more vulnerable and less safe. Not only that, but the wars that the US has started over the years — in Indochina, in Iraq, in Afghanistan and elsewhere –have led to the deaths of tens of thousands of young Americans (and of course to the deaths of millions of people in those countries, most of them civilians).



History has shown that a country that spends half of every tax dollar collected from its citizens on its military cannot hope to prosper. As President Dwight Eisenhower, a former top general in the US military who led US forces in World War II, once famously stated in a 1953 address to a group of newspaper editors:



“Every gun that is made, every warship launched, every rocket fired signifies, in the final sense, a theft from those who hunger and are not fed, those who are cold and are not clothed. This world in arms is not spending money alone. It is spending the sweat of its laborers, the genius of its scientists, the hopes of its children. The cost of one modern heavy bomber is this: a modern brick school in more than 30 cities. It is two electric power plants, each serving a town of 60,000 population. It is two fine, fully equipped hospitals. It is some fifty miles of concrete pavement. We pay for a single fighter plane with a half million bushels of wheat. We pay for a single destroyer with new homes that could have housed more than 8,000 people. This is, I repeat, the best way of life to be found on the road the world has been taking. This is not a way of life at all, in any true sense. Under the cloud of threatening war, it is humanity hanging from a cross of iron.”



Most of the rest of the world isn’t fooled by American government accounting tricks. Being at the barrel end of the gun, people of other countries know how US military spending is a primary cause of war and terror in the world. But we Americans ourselves need to wake up to the massive damage that our military-obsessed political system is doing to our country, lest it ultimately destroys us. There is a clear reason that social programs in the US are threatened, that the economy is in a prolonged depression, that our education system is collapsing, and that our standing in the world has plummeted. It is our militarism, and the incredible amount of the national wealth that is being spent on it.



Dave Lindorff is a founder of This Can’t Be Happening and a contributor to Hopeless: Barack Obama and the Politics of Illusion, published by AK Press. Hopeless is also available in a Kindle edition. He lives in Philadelphia.



As always, U.S. government officials speak with forked tongue and have NO plans to ever forgive Cuba, Iran, or Haiti

The US Refuses to Negotiate With Iran

Diplomat: Iran Offered Deal to Halt 20 Percent Enrichment

by GARETH PORTER

Iran has again offered to halt its enrichment of uranium to 20 percent, which the United States has identified as its highest priority in the nuclear talks, in return for easing sanctions against Iran, according to Iran’s permanent representative to the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).



Ali Asghar Soltanieh, who has conducted Iran’s negotiations with the IAEA in Tehran and Vienna, revealed in an interview with IPS that Iran had made the offer at the meeting between EU Foreign Policy Chief Catherine Ashton and Iran’s leading nuclear negotiator Saeed Jalili in Istanbul Sep. 19.



Soltanieh also revealed in the interview that IAEA officials had agreed last month to an Iranian demand that it be provided documents on the alleged Iranian activities related to nuclear weapons which Iran is being asked to explain, but that the concession had then been withdrawn.



“We are prepared to suspend enrichment to 20 percent, provided we find a reciprocal step compatible with it,” Soltanieh said, adding, “We said this in Istanbul.”



Soltanieh is the first Iranian official to go on record as saying Iran has proposed a deal that would end its 20-percent enrichment entirely, although it had been reported previously.



“If we do that,” Soltanieh said, “there shouldn’t be sanctions.”



Iran’s position in the two rounds of negotiations with the P5+1 – China, France, Germany, Russia, Britain, the United States and Germany – earlier this year was reported to have been that a significant easing of sanctions must be part of the bargain.



The United States and its allies in the P5+1 ruled out such a deal in the two rounds of negotiations in Istanbul and in Baghdad in May and June, demanding that Iran not only halt its enrichment to 20 percent but ship its entire stockpile of uranium enriched to that level out of the country and close down the Fordow enrichment facility entirely.



Even if Iran agreed to those far-reaching concessions the P5+1 nations offered no relief from sanctions.



Soltanieh repeated the past Iranian rejection of any deal involving the closure of Fordow.



“It’s impossible if they expect us to close Fordow,” Soltanieh said.



The U.S. justification for the demand for the closure of Fordow has been that it has been used for enriching uranium to the 20-percent level, which makes it much easier for Iran to continue enrichment to weapons grade levels.



But Soltanieh pointed to the conversion of half the stockpile to fuel plates for the Tehran Research Reactor, which was documented in the Aug. 30 IAEA report.



“The most important thing in the (IAEA) report,” Soltanieh said, was “a great percentage of 20-percent enriched uranium already converted to powder for the Tehran Research Reactor.”



That conversion to powder for fuel plates makes the uranium unavailable for reconversion to a form that could be enriched to weapons grade level.



Soltanieh suggested that the Iranian demonstration of the technical capability for such conversion, which apparently took the United States and other P5+1 governments by surprise, has rendered irrelevant the P5+1 demand to ship the entire stockpile of 20-percent enriched uranium out of the country.



“This capacity shows that we don’t need fuel from other countries,” said Soltanieh.



Iran began enriching uranium to 20 percent in 2010 after the United States made a virtually non-negotiable offer in 2009 to provide fuel plates for the Tehran Research Reactor in return for Iran’s shipping three-fourths of its low-enriched uranium stockpile out of the country and waiting for two years for the fuel plates.



The P5+1 demand for closure of the Fordow enrichment plant was also apparently based on the premise the facility was built exclusively for 20-percent enrichment. But Iran has officially informed the IAEA that it is for both enrichment to 20 percent and enrichment to 3.5 percent.



The 1,444 centrifuges installed at Fordow between March and August – but not connected to pipes, according to the Washington-based Institute for Science and International Security – could be used for either 20-percent enrichment or 3.5-percent enrichment, giving Iran additional leverage in future negotiations.



Soltanieh revealed that two senior IAEA officials had accepted a key Iranian demand in the most recent negotiating session last month on a “structured agreement” on Iranian cooperation on allegations of “possible military dimensions” of its nuclear programme – only to withdraw the concession at the end of the meeting.



The issue was Iran’s insistence on being given all the documents on which the IAEA bases the allegations of Iranian research related to nuclear weapons which Iran is expected to explain to the IAEA’s satisfaction.



The Feb. 20 negotiating text shows that the IAEA sought to evade any requirement for sharing any such documents by qualifying the commitment with the phrase “where appropriate”.



At the most recent meeting on Aug. 24, however, the IAEA negotiators, Deputy Director General for Safeguards Herman Nackaerts and Assistant Director General for Policy Rafael Grossi, agreed for the first time to a commitment to “deliver the documents related to activities claimed to have been conducted by Iran”, according to Soltanieh.



At the end of the meeting, however, Nackaerts and Grossi “put this language in brackets”, thus leaving it unresolved, Soltanieh said.



Former IAEA Director General Mohamed ElBaradei recalls in his 2011 memoirs that he had “constantly pressed the source of the information” on alleged Iranian nuclear weapons research – meaning the United States – “to allow us to share copies with Iran”. He writes that he asked how he could “accuse a person without revealing the accusations against him?”



ElBaradei also says Israel gave the IAEA a whole new set of documents in late summer 2009 “purportedly showing that Iran had continued with nuclear weapons studies until at least 2007″.



Soltanieh confirmed that the other unresolved issue is whether the IAEA investigation will be open-ended or not.



The Feb. 20 negotiating text showed that Iran demanded a discrete list of topics to which the IAEA inquiry would be limited and a requirement that each topic would be considered “concluded” once Iran had answered the questions and delivered the information requested.



But the IAEA insisted on being able to “return” to topics that had been “discussed earlier”, according to the February negotiating text.



That position remains unchanged, according to Soltanieh. The Iranian ambassador quoted an IAEA negotiator as asking, “What if next month we receive something else — some additional information?’”.



“If the IAEA had its way,” Soltanieh said, “It would be another 10 or 20 years.”



Soltanieh told IPS a meeting between Iran and the IAEA set for mid-October had been agreed before the IAEA Board of Governors earlier this month with Nackaerts and Grossi.



The Iranian ambassador said the IAEA officials had promised him that Director General Yukia Amano would announce the meeting during the Board meeting, but Amano made no such announcement.



Instead, after a meeting with Fereydoun Abbasi, Iran’s Vice President and head of the Atomic Energy Organization of Iran, Amano only referred to the “readiness of Agency negotiators to meet with Iran in the near future.”



“He didn’t keep the promise,” said Soltanieh, adding that Iran would have to “study in the capital” how to respond.



Soltanieh elaborated on Abassi’s suggestion last week that the sabotage of power to the Fordow facility the night before an IAEA request for a snap inspection of the facility showed the agency could be infiltrated by “terrorists and saboteurs”.



“The objection we have is that the DG isn’t protecting confidential information,” said Soltanieh. “When they have information on how many centrifuges are working and how many are not working (in IAEA reports), this is a very serious concern.”



Iran has complained for years about information gathered by IAEA inspectors, including data on personnel in the Iranian nuclear programme, being made available to U.S., Israeli and European intelligence agencies.



GARETH PORTER is an investigative historian and journalist specialising in U.S. national security policy. The paperback edition of his latest book, “Perils of Dominance: Imbalance of Power and the Road to War in Vietnam“, was published in 2006. Porter received the UK-based Martha Gellhorn Prize for journalism for 2011 for articles on the U.S. war in Afghanistan.The Barak argument on Iran contradicted Netanyahu’s assertion, most recently reported in an Aug. 5 Channel 2 report, that Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei is “an irrational leader”.



Neither candidate has called for arresting and prosecuting high ranking people on Wall Street for the subprime mortgage catastrophe.

15 Issues This Election is Not About

Neither Candidate

by BILL QUIGLEY

Neither candidate is interested in stopping the use of the death penalty for federal or state crimes.

Neither candidate is interested in eliminating or reducing the 5,113 US nuclear warheads.

Neither candidate is campaigning to close Guantanamo prison.

Neither candidate has called for arresting and prosecuting high ranking people on Wall Street for the subprime mortgage catastrophe.

Neither candidate is interested in holding anyone in the Bush administration accountable for the torture committed by US personnel against prisoners in Guantanamo or in Iraq or Afghanistan.

Neither candidate is interested in stopping the use of drones to assassinate people in Afghanistan, Pakistan, Yemen or Somalia.

Neither candidate is against warrantless surveillance, indefinite detention, or racial profiling in fighting “terrorism.”

Neither candidate is interested in fighting for a living wage. In fact neither are really committed beyond lip service to raising the minimum wage of $7.25 an hour – which, if it kept pace with inflation since the 1960s should be about $10 an hour.

Neither candidate was interested in arresting Osama bin Laden and having him tried in court.

Neither candidate will declare they refuse to bomb Iran.

Neither candidate is refusing to take huge campaign contributions from people and organizations.

Neither candidate proposes any significant specific steps to reverse global warming.

Neither candidate is talking about the over 2 million people in jails and prisons in the US.

Neither candidate proposes to create public jobs so everyone who wants to work can.

Neither candidate opposes the nuclear power industry. In fact both support expansion.



Bill Quigley teaches law at Loyola University New Orleans and is Associate Legal Director of the Center for Constitutional Rights. He is a contributor to Hopeless: Barack Obama and the Politics of Illusion, published by AK Press. You can reach him by email at Quigley@loyno.edu



Both political parties and their candidates for President now accept neoliberal ideology as being the incontrovertible truth. This belief is more theological than scientific, because neoliberalism has a thirty year track record of not producing the high-paying jobs for the middle class its promisers say it will produce. Quite the reverse would be a more accurate description.

Why It's a Distinction Without a Difference

Who Will Create More Jobs: Romney or Obama?

by FRANKLIN C. SPINNEY

My prediction: The eventual answer will turn out to be a distinction without a difference. Here’s why.

Both political parties and their candidates for President now accept neoliberal ideology as being the incontrovertible truth. This belief is more theological than scientific, because neoliberalism has a thirty year track record of not producing the high-paying jobs for the middle class its promisers say it will produce. Quite the reverse would be a more accurate description.

According to neoliberal dogma, the only way to stimulate the growth of high-paying jobs for Americans is to unleash the private sector by getting government off the back of business. Therefore, given this truism, the government’s economic purpose is simply to make it easier for the private sector to invest in productive capacity at home — or to use a popular but vacuous buzzword: to invest in the ‘supply side’ of the economy.

To this end, the neoliberal policy soup always includes a mix of tax cuts to the investor class, investment incentives and (de)regulations to make life easier for big business, and austerity economics by federal and state governments. Examples include regressive tax cuts, deregulation of oppressive externalities (like environmental protections), union busting (to make wages more flexible on the downside), wage stagnation (no increases in the minimum wage), policy incentives encouraging financialization to increase flexibility of the investor class (rescinding Glass-Steagall), and cutting deficits via offsetting cuts in Federal, State, Local government spending, especially social safety-net programs, while protecting defense production, etc.

After over thirty years of trying and failing to create high-wage, middle-class jobs with various mixes of neoliberal snake oil, one might think neoliberal economics would be an issue in the current campaign for president, particularly in view of the fact that each candidate is claiming only he can create jobs. The mismatch between past predictions and performance is mindboggling. Even a superficial look at economic data collected by the Bureau of Labour statistics suggest that the real world behaves very differently from that imagined by the high priests of neoliberal theology.

If the contradictions between theory and reality remain unaddressed by the candidates in this presidential election year, you can bet what little is left of your IRA on a prediction that the real problems dragging down the lower 99% will continue to worsen for the foreseeable future.

Consider please the following:

From the end of WWII to the early 1970s, the prime engine of our prosperity was the economic vibrancy of a huge and growing high-wage manufacturing sector, which incidentally, was heavily unionized. The quality and quantity of US production was the envy of the world. And benefits spilled over into the other economic sectors, creating a virtuous cycle that made a growing proportion of the American middle-class better off economically than at any time in human history. To be sure, all was not roses in the Leave-It-To-Beaver America of the 1950s and early 1960s. There were horrible festering sores in our society, particularly segregation and racial persecution, which arbitrarily kept a large portion of our population disenfranchised and in abject poverty. There were also pockets of intractable white poverty in rural America, particularly Appalachia and the Deep South. Nevertheless, it is undeniable that the post-WWII American economy had mutated into a vibrant consumer society, the likes of which were unprecedented for a majority of the working class.

In addition to creating large numbers of high-wage manufacturing jobs, the manufacturing sector became the driver of beneficial spillover effects that fed back on and magnified the larger economy, ranging from supermarkets to suburban construction to larger local tax bases supporting social infrastructures, etc. The total size of the American work force grew faster than manufacturing employment, and manufacturing’s share of the total work force declined, even as the absolute number of manufacturing jobs increased.

Figures 1 and 2 are designed to give the reader a sense of the magnitude of some of the astounding changes that have taken place since the end of WWII.


Figure 1 depicts the growth in manufacturing employment (the blue line) and in total non-farm employment (a private sector measure that accounts for about 80% of the total jobs in the U.S., including those in the manufacturing sector). Figure 1 makes clear the extent to which total non-farm employment (the maroon line measured on the left scale) grew faster than manufacturing employment, even though the latter grew in absolute terms between 1939 and 1979, before slipping into a long-term decline. Manufacturing employment is depicted by the blue line, also measured on the left scale — we will look at this measure more closely in Figure 2. The red line (measured by the percentages on the right scale) says it all. It compares the size of manufacturing employment to the size of total non-farm employment in percentage terms. It has been declining steadily since 1943.

In 1950, for example, Figure 1 tells that 31% or almost one out of three jobs in America was in the manufacturing sector. In 1979, manufacturing employment reached its all time high, yet its share of the total workforce had declined to 22%. By 2011, that share plummeted to 9%., or less than one out every ten jobs. One might think the stability of the steadily declining percentage in Figure 1 suggests a kind of normalcy.

Such and interpretation would be a grotesque mistake, because it turns out that 1979 was an interesting year in the history of manufacturing jobs. After 1979, what was normal became abnormal or perhaps a “new normal,” to borrow yet another vacuous buzzwork. This is not obvious in Figure 1, because the relative flatness of the blue line is driven by the scale of the maroon line. Figure 2 peels back the next layer of the onion.

Figure 2
(note the range of the vertical axis is 9 to 20 million)

Figure 2 enables us to look more closely at the blue line in Figure 1 by re-plotting on an expanded vertical scale ranging from 9 million to 20 million employees. The numbers behind the blue lines in Figures 1 and 2 are identical. Figure 2 shows more clearly how the dynamics of growth and decline in the manufacturing sector changed over time. To this end, I added the shaded area merely to give the reader a sense of the how the size of short term fluctuations changed over time. After World War II, the total number of manufacturing jobs rose in absolute terms from 13 million in 1946 to an all time high of 19.4 million in 1979. This is an astounding number for peacetime, exceeding that maximum of the WWII’s “arsenal of democracy” employment of 16 million by 20%!

The total increase between 1946 and 1979 was of 5.9 million jobs or 44%. After 1979, the total declined to 11.7 million jobs by 2011, a reduction of 40% from a much larger base. What is even more stunning is that employment in the manufacturing sector today is almost half a million people smaller than the 12.1 million employed by the manufacturing sector in January 1, 1941, eleven months before Japan bombed Pearl Harbour, even though the current U.S. population exceeds that of 1941 by 152 million people!

But there is more that can be sniffed out of Figure 2, now that we have the benefit of 30 years hindsight. The flat growth and wild swings in employment data (indicated by the greater width of the blue shaded area) show this engine of prosperity began to sputter around 1970 (perhaps because of over heating caused by the guns and butter policy in Vietnam ???), before moving into a more coherent pattern of long-term decline after 1979. So, the 1970s turned out to be a period of transition. This is hinted at in the pattern of data in Figure 1: First, note how the pattern of decline became more stable after 1979, with the magnitude of the short term fluctuations being much reduced compared to those of the 1970s. This stabilization also hints at the introduction of deeper causal factors, but does not tell us what they are. Note also that no lost ground was ever fully recovered after the peak in 1979. Each major cyclical short term term peak in employment rose to a level that was less than its predecessor (in one minor case it was about the same). This is even true for the sustained economic growth period of the Clinton Administration, which Democrats like to compare to the Kennedy-Johnson expansion during the 1960s. The failure to recover from successive downturns is yet another hint of long-term causal factors.

Regarding these deeper factors, much has been written about de-industrialization, and there is no need to repeat it here. Suffice to say the onset of the stagnation of middle-class wages in the late 1970s corresponds to the loss of high wage manufacturing jobs in a de-industrializing manufacturing sector, reflected by decline after after 1979 in Figure 2. The onset of the explosive growth of consumer debt and the growing inequality of income corresponds with the decline in manufacturing. For those who drank the kool-aid about the information society displacing the manufacturing society, I note that computers and software industries are included in the employment figures of this chart. Indeed, given the quality of the jobs debate by Mssrs. Obama and Romney, one could argue America has entered the post-information age.

If either Mr. Obama or Mr. Romney is going to turn around the high-wage job meltdown, they need to explain to the American people how their policies will create a new virtuous cycle of expansion begetting expansion, either by (1) reinvigorating the domestic manufacturing sector, which is a proven engine of virtuous growth, or (2) by inventing a new engine of virtuous growth to replace the role that manufacturing served between the end of WWII and the early 1970s. Creating jobs to flip hamburgers at McDonalds or slosh ice cream at Ben and Jerry’s will not do the trick. Military Keynesianism — i.e, shoveling money into weapons manufacturing — certainly worked in WWII, and it may have worked more modestly in the late 1940s and the early 1950s, although given the anguish of Eisenhower’s farewell address, my guess is that he may have thought Military Keynesianism created more problems than it solved. Whether or not that was the case by 1961, one thing is clear from Figure 2 in this regard: Throwing money at the Pentagon over the last 30 years has been a total bust in terms of stimulating any growth in manufacturing employment, not to mention Military Keynesianism’s complete failure to re-igniting anything remotely similar to a virtuous cycle of prosperity begetting prosperity.

There is a reality-free normalcy now driving American politics. Both parties would rather fiddle with Karl Rove’s soothing “create-your-own-reality” political meme than douse the ideological fires of neoliberalism that are torching the American economy and impoverishing the middle class. With politics this boorish, is it any wonder that people are tuning out? A better way for understanding what ails our political class would be to begin with one of the most elegant quotes in Gibbon’s Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, because as he explained … “Their credulity debased and vitiated the faculties of the mind: they corrupted the evidence of history; and superstition gradually extinguished the hostile light of philosophy and science.”

Franklin “Chuck” Spinney is a former military analyst for the Pentagon and a contributor to Hopeless: Barack Obama and the Politics of Illusion, published by AK Press. He be reached at chuck_spinney@mac.com