Saturday, January 29, 2011

January 29, 2011 Choice Likely to Please the Military, Not the Crowds By MICHAEL SLACKMAN


The story goes that Omar Suleiman rose to favor when he saved President Hosni Mubarak’s life in 1995 by demanding the president ride in an armored car in Ethiopia. A gunman opened fire on the vehicle, and still Mr. Mubarak escaped unharmed.
This time, however, Mr. Suleiman may not be able to save the president.
On Saturday, Mr. Suleiman was named vice president of Egypt — and the clear successor to the top job — after years as Egypt’s foreign intelligence chief and Egypt’s lead liaison with the Palestinians. With the streets filled with protesters for a fifth day, and the death toll rising across the country, President Mubarak turned to a longtime friend, confidant and close ally of Washington to be his second in command.
“The president is choosing a man he can trust while he is on shaky ground,” said Mahmoud Shokry, a former ambassador to Syria and personal friend of Mr. Suleiman. “There is no doubt that the president doesn’t know what will happen tomorrow.”
But Mr. Suleiman, a former general, is also the establishment’s candidate, not the public’s. His appointment, and his elevation, if it were to occur, would represent not the democratic change called for on the street, but most likely a continuation of the kind of military-backed, authoritarian leadership that Mr. Mubarak has led for nearly 30 years, experts said.
“I think basically this is a way of paving the way for a military-led regime in a so-called constitutional context,” said Ragui Assaad, a professor at the University of Minnesota. “It is clearly the result of negotiations with the army.”
Mr. Suleiman’s ascension may incite public anger — crowds have already begun shouting chants against him — but would also be likely to put at ease those who benefited from the status quo, at least in the short term.
“He is a tough man, strong, business-oriented, efficient,” said Emad Shahin, a former professor at American University in Cairo and now at Notre Dame. “He is a very skillful negotiator.”
Mr. Suleiman has run Egypt’s General Intelligence Service since 1993, taking over as the nation was battling Islamic extremists. He is 74 years old and, like Mr. Mubarak, fought in two wars with Israel.
He is said to hold a similar worldview, deeply distrusting Iran, favoring close relations with Washington, supporting the cold peace with Israel, and against easing up on the Muslim Brotherhood, the principal opposition group in Egypt. He has managed most of Egypt’s hottest issues, including dealing with Hamas, Hezbollah and Sudan.
With the choice of Mr. Suleiman, experts said it was clear that Mr. Mubarak was playing to what he now views as his most important constituency, perhaps the only one that can ensure his safety and a smooth exit from power — the military.
Mr. Suleiman was selected on the same day that Mr. Mubarak named a former air force commander, Ahmed Shafiq, as his new prime minister. Several analysts said this had suggested that the appointments were part of a strategy aimed at allowing the military to consolidate control of the government.
“What concerns us now is this is clearly a military takeover,” said Mr. Shahin. “I would not be surprised if Mubarak disappears tomorrow or after tomorrow.”
Mr. Suleiman is known as a dapper dresser, preferring suits over military uniforms. Still, just as every president has been since Gamal Abdel Nasser, he is a fully military man.
Though he is not a member of the governing National Democratic Party, which is prohibited because he was in the military, he is a consummate insider, seen by many as the link between Egyptian politics and its military. He had been so close to the president, traveling with him on most state visits, that Mr. Mubarak issued a special decree to allow Mr. Suleiman to retain his post even after passing the mandatory retirement age.
In secret diplomatic memos sent from the United States Embassy in Cairo to Washington and made public by WikiLeaks, Mr. Suleiman is described as sharing Washington’s foreign policy agenda.
In one such memo, a top embassy diplomat said that Mr. Suleiman told the ambassador, “Egypt is America’s partner.” The cable also said: “Egypt will continue to provide the USG with its knowledge and expertise on the critical regional issues, such as Lebanon and Iraq. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict remains the core issue.”
It also said that Mr. Suleiman had “contended a peaceful resolution would be a ‘big blow’ to terrorist organizations that use the conflict as a pretext.”
Mr. Suleiman’s elevation reflects a new reality set in motion by the days of protests. For years, his name was thought to be on the short list of candidates for president — behind that of Mr. Mubarak’s younger son, Gamal. While the old guard, the military and the West liked the notion of Mr. Suleiman taking over, it was clear that the Mubarak family had been maneuvering to see the son replace the father, experts said.
“This has been a long time in the making,” Mr. Assaad said. “Gamal is clearly off the table. He would be unacceptable now. Suleiman was the military’s candidate forever.”
Mr. Suleiman was born July 2, 1936, in Qena, a city in Upper Egypt. He graduated from Egypt’s military academy and received training in the former Soviet Union, just like Mr. Mubarak. He also studied political science at Cairo University and at Ain Shams University in Cairo.
He is credited with having negotiated several cease-fires between Israel and the Palestinians and, despite his position, is said to also have the respect of Hamas, the militant group that controls the Gaza Strip.
But even those who admire him say that his appointment now, in the face of unprecedented civil unrest, puts him in an unenviable position.
“If he was appointed before, it would have been good,” said Mr. Shokry, the former ambassador to Syria. “But now, no one knows what he will be asked to do or what role he will play, and he is going be considered part of a regime that is in a shaky position.”
Mona El-Naggar contributed reporting.